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Pakistan has a diverse and widespread population over an expansive geography and, as such, is confronted by administrative challenges inherent in its governance structure. The provinces at present are characterized by large populous provinces such as Punjab and Sindh which have been marred by the issues of bad governance and lack of equitable allocation of resources. These administrative inefficiencies have resulted in developmental issues such as increased regional inequality and increased political unrest in less developed areas.
The diagram below shows the distribution of the Human Development Index (HDI) throughout Pakistan. The HDI is composed of the average life expectancy from birth, expected years of schooling, and gross national income (GNI) per capita. HDI is the ideal metric to judge social development in an area because this metric has a holistic approach and takes into account the major factors such as education, health, and income, which are necessary for a human being to develop fully.
Source: Adil Najam, “Society: How Are We Doing?” Dawn, May 13, 2018, https://www.dawn.com/news/1407251.
Upon closer observation of the HDI map of Pakistan, we can draw two conclusions. The First observation is that most of the development of Pakistan is centered on Pakistan’s largest populated province Punjab. This makes sense since Punjab is the largest population, industrial, and cultural center of Pakistan. This fact has nurtured resentment and animosity among the marginalized ethnic minorities of Pakistani society. Critics point out the marginalization of ethnic minorities and the stark differences in opportunities and infrastructure between the least developed areas of Pakistan and Punjab.
Secondly, the HDI development in Pakistan is concentrated in urban centers in cities like Lahore, Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Karachi, Faisalabad, and Jhelum. Even less developed provinces like Baluchistan and KP province have urban centers like Peshawar and Quetta, with a high medium human development index. Most of Pakistan’s affluent society, government offices, and military institutes are in high to medium-high HDI areas. This means the standard of living in these urban centers is generally comparable to more developed countries and creates what can be called a “magnifying effect”.
Magnifying effect means when one segment of the data is grossly exaggerated and overrepresented, in this case, the urban center population is often overrepresented. This magnifying effect is especially significant as it mitigates the impact of hardships that a low HDI region brings. It is thus no wonder why the Pakistani affluent society is aware of Pakistan’s abysmally low HDI ranking of 164 out of 193 countries, yet expresses no urgency to rectify it. In summary, Pakistan is a country of contrasts, where the differences in the development between provinces are massive and represent an unequal form of development.
To help alleviate the problem of unequal development Pakistan can create new provinces, which will help foster a faster and more equitable distribution of development throughout the state. Additional provinces can help improve revenue distribution which will also ensure a more equitable distribution of economic resources between provinces. Smaller provinces are similar to local governments that are better equipped to deal with regional issues in a more effective and organized manner. Decentralization encourages diverse policies that allow the local governments to address the concerns of different members of the community.
Smaller provinces can better represent local identities and reduce the dominance of larger ethnic groups which are typically found in larger provinces. Smaller provinces will help improve the local administration system by improving the local police system and a more grassroots-level approach to tax collection. Local governments are more accountable to their respective constituencies as such they are more likely to spend on local health care and education services. Better accountability of local governments means that the level of corruption will be reduced improving the overall governance.
India has similar dynamics to Pakistan, where both states have high ethnic and linguistic diversity, which are often overshadowed in large provinces. Ethnic minorities often get politically marginalized, face economic disparity, and have limited opportunities. The state of India had recognized the plight of its marginalized ethnic minorities which led to the provinces of Odisha, Bihar Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam, and Tamil Nadu gaining full statehood in 1950. States like Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, and Karnataka were formed in 1956 following the reorganization of territories.
Maharashtra and Gujarat split from Bombay Province in 1960, and Nagaland became a state in 1963. Punjab, formed in 1966, later saw the creation of Haryana. During the 1970s states like Himachal Pradesh, Manipur, and Meghalaya were also gain full statehood, while Sikkim merged with India in 1975. The state of Goa became a state in 1987, and Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Uttarakhand were formed in 2000. The last state that was created was Telangana, in 2014, which was created following the division of Andhra Pradesh.
Pakistan by contrast has not increased its number of provinces since independence, even though according to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics Punjab province has 52.9% percent of Pakistan’s population, while Baluchistan hosts only 5%. This has led to issues like unequal resource allocation, low development, and ethnic politics, fueling movements for new provinces. These movements initially focused on rights and evolved into political and ethnic demands. After the 18th Amendment, provinces gained more autonomy, but conflicts persist, particularly regarding the NFC award. Punjab, with the largest population, receives a major share of federal resources, causing discontent among other provinces. As the population grows, the need for new administrative units to ensure better governance and development will become more pressing. It was for this reason that demand for new provinces has gained support in Pakistan.
The demand for new provinces in Pakistan is driven by regional and linguistic factors. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), Hazara division leaders like Sardar Muhammad Yousuf, Murtaza Javed Abbasi, and Senator Talha Mehmood argued for a separate Hazara province since Hindko is the major language spoken in the region and the people of this region do not identify themselves as Pashtun. In Punjab, supporters of Saraiki and Bahawalpur provinces seek more job opportunities through federal quotas, as they believe candidates from southern Punjab are disadvantaged due to disparities in education.
In Sindh, the demand for a Karachi-based Urdu-speaking province is fueled by a sense of marginalization by the Urdu-speaking population. The Pashtun Belt in Baluchistan has not yet made a formal demand for a separate province, but it may arise if new provinces are created. Some political leaders have demanded a separate province for erstwhile FATA, as the area’s growth has been stunted due to constant conflict.
To conclude the creation of new provinces are vital part of Pakistan to achieve sustainable economic growth and effective governance in Pakistan. The creation of additional provinces would allow for a more equitable distribution of HDI development in Pakistan. This will allow Pakistan to address challenges such as ineffective administration, address political grievances, and reduce regional disparities. The creation of new provinces will allow a more balanced development which will help strengthen the national unity of the state.
The author is Associated with IPRI as research Intern.