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With the decline of U.S. hegemony and the rise of powers like China and Russia, the world is moving towards a multipolar order. In this regard, the most organized efforts to break the dominance of the West-led world order are the organizations like BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
Both these organizations, albeit, have distinct goals, they share the common objective of creating a more pluralistic and inclusive world system. Given the different nature of areas, it is expected that both organizations will continue working independently while complementing the broader agenda of countering the Western hegemony and leading to the creation of a parallel order.
The rise of BRICS and SCO signals a shift towards a multipolar global order, challenging Western-led dominance.
BRIC was created as an alliance between four countries: Brazil, Russia, India and China in 2006, which expanded to include South Africa in 2010 and to be called BRICS. Its primary aim was to reform the ‘discriminatory’ economic world order. But now they have expanded its agenda. The recent addition of countries like Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia under BRICS+, shows the growing influence of this grouping.
Similarly, the SCO created in 2001 with China and Russia as the leading members, has evolved from a regional bloc to a significant geopolitical entity. The inclusion of Pakistan and India in 2017 along with other states, including Belarus in 2024, has expanded its geopolitical influence and broadened its regional dimension. The total members of SCO are 10 while there are also several observer states included in the organization, marking a shift from regional influence to an effort of global control.
The potential rise within a global context depicts a shift towards more balanced global power structure. While the West is still dominating organizations like the World Bank, IMF and the UN, there is an emergence of unequal but an influential bloc. The creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) by BRICS to finance infrastructure in developing countries and promote sustainable development shows a strategic move towards international cooperation and reduced dependence on West.
BRICS+ expansion underscores the growing influence of this bloc in countering the traditional Western economic order.
Furthermore, the 50 years’ Petrodollar treaty (between the US and Saudi Arabia) has ended and marked a significant shift towards de-dollarization. The inclusion of Saudi Arabia in the BRICS has paved the way for the use of alternative currencies like the Yuan which will decrease the dependency on the US, posing a counter-threat to its hegemony.
SCO is emerging as a geopolitical force aimed at strengthening the cooperation among member countries regarding the security issues combating terrorism, extremism and separatism strengthening cooperation in economy, politics, and cultural exchanges. Thus, it is positioning itself as a counterweight to Western dominated institutions, particularly led by US and its allies.
Despite their potential, BRICS and SCO face several internal as well as external obstacles that may hinder their ambitions. In the case of BRICS, there is a major difference among the member states in terms of its political and economic structure which might not let the agendas of all member states to align. Similarly, the regional disputes between India and China such as the border issues and India’s reluctance to accept China as a dominating power pose a significant threat to undermine the organization’s agenda.
SCO’s evolution from a regional bloc to a significant geopolitical entity reflects its broader global ambitions.
The SCO, needs to navigate the enduring rivalry between Pakistan and India. The dominance of China and Russia within both organizations raises questions about the equal say of all member states. It is suspected that whether they are truly representing a multipolar structure or just serving as the tool for the two leading powers to serve their agenda.
Externally, the West see these organizations as countering their influence. It has adopted every possible means to not let them do so. They have been wary of the rising influence and the disturbance of the West-led global order which has led to sanctions and diplomatic pressure on these states.
Speculations regarding the potential between BRICS and SCO has been rising. Some argue that both organizations serve complimentary to one another and can create a potent alternate bloc. However, the prospects of such a merger is low due to geopolitical reasons. China sees BRICS as a tool for its economic global governance while Russia considers SCO as an important platform for enhancing its security influence in Central Asia and countering NATO’s influence.
Despite internal and external challenges, BRICS and SCO remain key players in the emerging multipolar world.
Merging both would interfere with the dominant members’ interests. Secondly, BRICS includes countries like Brazil and South Africa which are geographically distant from the focus areas of SCO, with these countries having a little stake in Eurasian security issues. In addition, both organizations have different institutional structures and modes of operation so combining them into one would lead to bureaucratic tensions and challenges.
Instead, the two organizations are likely to work better by working in their specific arenas, while focusing on specific collaborations. BRICS and SCO could collaborate through joint infrastructure development to boost regional connectivity and coordinate diplomatic efforts to address global challenges.
Strategic collaboration between BRICS and SCO could bolster efforts to create a more inclusive and pluralistic global system.
Given the current scenario and the status of BRICS and SCO, they are not well-fitted to replace the Western-led global order. However, it can be said that by overcoming some internal rivalries and focusing on common interests, they can become important pillars in global affairs. To achieve this status, they must focus on building a more cohesive structure and expanding their institutional capacity as a step towards a more inclusive and fairer world order.
The author is a BS scholar of Political Science, at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Her primary area of research is China. She can be reached at khanwajeeha074@gmail.com.
